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Harold Macmillan speech (Conservative Prime Minister of the UK from January 1957 - October 1963.)
Harold
Macmillan's "Wind of Change" Speech
Made to the South Africa Parliament on 3 February
1960:
It is, as I have said, a special privilege for me to be here in 1960 when you are celebrating what I might call the golden wedding of the Union. At such a time it is natural and right that you should pause to take stock of your position, to look back at what you have achieved, to look forward to what lies ahead. In the fifty years of their nationhood the people of South Africa have built a strong economy founded upon a healthy agriculture and thriving and resilient industries.
No one could fail to be impressed with the immense
material progress which has been achieved. That all this has been accomplished
in so short a time is a striking testimony to the skill, energy and initiative
of your people. We in Britain are proud of the contribution we have made to this
remarkable achievement. Much of it has been financed by British capital. …
… As I've travelled around the Union I have found
everywhere, as I expected, a deep preoccupation with what is happening in the
rest of the African continent. I understand and sympathise with your interests
in these events and your anxiety about them.
Ever since the break up of the Roman empire one of
the constant facts of political life in Europe has been the emergence of
independent nations. They have come into existence over the centuries in
different forms, different kinds of government, but all have been inspired by a
deep, keen feeling of nationalism, which has grown as the nations have grown.
In the twentieth century, and especially since the
end of the war, the processes which gave birth to the nation states of Europe
have been repeated all over the world. We have seen the awakening of national
consciousness in peoples who have for centuries lived in dependence upon some
other power. Fifteen years ago this movement spread through Asia. Many
countries there, of different races and civilisations, pressed their claim to
an independent national life.
Today the same thing is happening in Africa, and
the most striking of all the impressions I have formed since I left London a
month ago is of the strength of this African national consciousness. In
different places it takes different forms, but it is happening everywhere.
The wind of change is blowing through this
continent, and whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness
is a political fact. We must all accept it as a fact, and our national policies
must take account of it.
Well you understand this better than anyone, you
are sprung from Europe, the home of nationalism, here in Africa you have
yourselves created a free nation. A new nation. Indeed in the history of our
times yours will be recorded as the first of the African nationalists. This
tide of national consciousness which is now rising in Africa, is a fact, for
which both you and we, and the other nations of the western world are
ultimately responsible.
For its causes are to be found in the achievements
of western civilisation, in the pushing forwards of the frontiers of knowledge,
the applying of science to the service of human needs, in the expanding of food
production, in the speeding and multiplying of the means of communication, and
perhaps above all and more than anything else in the spread of education.
As I have said, the growth of national
consciousness in Africa is a political fact, and we must accept it as such.
That means, I would judge, that we've got to come to terms with it. I sincerely
believe that if we cannot do so we may imperil the precarious balance between
the East and West on which the peace of the world depends.
The world today is divided into three main groups. First there are what we call the Western Powers. You in South Africa and we in Britain belong to this group, together with our friends and allies in other parts of the Commonwealth. In the United States of America and in Europe we call it the Free World. Secondly there are the Communists – Russia and her satellites in Europe and China whose population will rise by the end of the next ten years to the staggering total of 800 million. Thirdly, there are those parts of the world whose people are at present uncommitted either to Communism or to our Western ideas. In this context we think first of Asia and then of Africa. As I see it the great issue in this second half of the twentieth century is whether the uncommitted peoples of Asia and Africa will swing to the East or to the West. Will they be drawn into the Communist camp? Or will the great experiments in self-government that are now being made in Asia and Africa, especially within the Commonwealth, prove so successful, and by their example so compelling, that the balance will come down in favour of freedom and order and justice? The struggle is joined, and it is a struggle for the minds of men. What is now on trial is much more than our military strength or our diplomatic and administrative skill. It is our way of life. The uncommitted nations want to see before they choose.
The world today is divided into three main groups. First there are what we call the Western Powers. You in South Africa and we in Britain belong to this group, together with our friends and allies in other parts of the Commonwealth. In the United States of America and in Europe we call it the Free World. Secondly there are the Communists – Russia and her satellites in Europe and China whose population will rise by the end of the next ten years to the staggering total of 800 million. Thirdly, there are those parts of the world whose people are at present uncommitted either to Communism or to our Western ideas. In this context we think first of Asia and then of Africa. As I see it the great issue in this second half of the twentieth century is whether the uncommitted peoples of Asia and Africa will swing to the East or to the West. Will they be drawn into the Communist camp? Or will the great experiments in self-government that are now being made in Asia and Africa, especially within the Commonwealth, prove so successful, and by their example so compelling, that the balance will come down in favour of freedom and order and justice? The struggle is joined, and it is a struggle for the minds of men. What is now on trial is much more than our military strength or our diplomatic and administrative skill. It is our way of life. The uncommitted nations want to see before they choose.
The main purpose of this speech is to inform but slightly to persuade and the targetted audience is South African adults.
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The purpose of this leaflet is to inform but mostly to persuade voters, which are the auidence who to vote for.
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1950s formal letter |
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